Colonialism
to Nationalism: The Articulation of Dominance
In
1884, Cameroon became a German protectorate. Aided by the Bamum, the Germans
finally brought Nso' under military control in 1906 after a two-month
punitive expedition. In 1915, upon defeating German forces in the area, the
British took over the colonial administration of western Cameroon. Both
Germany and Britain followed a policy of Indirect Rule (see Ben Jua's
paper in this volume). The colonial administration in many ways supported the
political authority of the Fon Nso' and by being blind to the political
roles played by women reinforced male power. This was the case until the very
end of their stay when a few statutory women were given a place in customary
courts.
Boys,
but not girls, were educated in the colonial classrooms to assume roles first
in colonial, and later in national political institutions. Wage labour and
cash crops were male activities. The introduction of coffee in the 1940s gave
men a source of income. Men took responsibility for the purchase of the few
goods which required cash. Women remained responsible for provisioning the
household with food; they did not begin trading substantially in the market.
Women's farming became somewhat analogous to housework in the West:
necessary, but largely invisible, as a social good.
After
the Second World War, Cameroonian nationalist movements emerged throughout the
Grassfields. In Nso' the Fon remained the legitimate ruler. He and not
the new elites controlled the popular vote for national and local office.
Nobody was more aware of this and of the interdependence it created between
them and the Fon than the new Nso' elites. While their national
identities were constructed in the colonial classrooms, their individual
identities were equally constructed as Lamnso' speakers, as citizens of
Nso' - with all this entailed. They did not give up their primary
identity with Nso'. In the 1960s, upon independence, the Fon of
Nso', aware of the need to keep the new elite loyal to local political
institutions, opened up access to titles through outright purchase. Adroit
manipulation of the title system enabled new elite men to graft new relations
of domination onto the existing hierarchy.
A
significant means of accumulation today, then, is a local power base that
secures access to the State (Kofele-Kale 1987), to wages and salaries and to
national and international development networks. A direct link to the national
bureaucracy facilitates returns on investments such as houses rented out to
civil servants. Access to national land grants in turn provides surety on
loans and the means for speculation. Investment in local networks requires a
significant amount of investment in symbolic capital. Hence the ongoing
importance of the title system and hegemony of male title holders. With the
intensification of the marketplace and the growth of a national bureaucracy and
the State, male power has been further entrenched.
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