|by age, which determines the use of the term. Mustafa would not, however, in|
his dealings with Ali Osman, use the reciprocal of emme, yigen, (nephew), but
emmem oglu, son of my fathers brother, thus putting himself politely on a
level with Ali Osman. The terms emme and emmem oglu were used
reciprocally between Musa (IB 1) and Osman (AG 1), who could not trace any
specific agnatic connection, but affirmed that such existed. On other
occasions, the terms were used between neighbours - I heard men with no
claims to agnatic ties address each other as emmem oglu, although this is not
the usual mode of address, out of intimate politeness. Children call any man
who is a frequent visitor to the house emme in much the same way that adult
friends in an English family are uncles to the children. Equally, adult men
may call senior neighbours emme. VA 1 was often known, not only by his
own kabile, as Hasan Emme.
The extension of these terms beyond their strict meaning is explicitly
recognised as such. If the context requires it, or in response to a direct
question, the villagers readily distinguish oz, true, kinsmen from those
who are so called only by extension.
Beyond the range of the use of emme, more distant agnatic connections are
acknowledged by the term, which is pronounced emmeti, (not Istanbul
Turkish) - used only for description, not for address. Though logically this
term might apply within the village, it is in fact used only of distant agnates in
The personal relations of patrilateral kin cannot be given a general description
except in terms of the obvious - the close intimacy of people who have life
long relationships, free run of each others houses and are close, usually next-
door, neighbours. I was asking in Ck village whether the households of a
certain kabile were separate, whether they cooked and ate together. It
doesnt matter where we eat, they replied, within our kabile we eat in
whichever house we happen to be. There are no quarrels in our kabile.
Even if this boast was, in fact, an exaggeration it indicates the ideal of close
personal intimacy within the kabile.
I have not, in this section, mentioned the fathers sister, amme, because she
marries out, and does not belong within the group, unless she marry within
the kabile. After marriage, relations with her belong rather with those with
matrilateral and affinal kin.
|3.||Other Kinship Ties within the Village|
|All kinship other than these patrilateral ties involves a link through a womans|
|marriage. Even the fathers sister, since she marries out on reaching|
adolescence, and is never of ones own household, belongs in effect, if not
literally, with matrilateral and affinal rather than with patrilateral kinship.
From the point of view of relationships between households, and their heads,
all this non-agnatic kinship, since they all stem from marriage, is difficult to
disentangle. If two households are linked by marriage, then within the sum of
the relationships between them will be found most or all of the two-person
kinship ties, apart from the agnatic ones.
Kinship in these villages is not characterised by any set of formal rules of
behaviour. Even within the kabile, where the obligations are most formal,
and the physical and social distances most nearly uniform, it is spontaneous
intimacy rather than rules of conduct which constitutes the basis of the group.
Since marriage is the source of all other relationships, and since marriage may
be with any woman from a fathers brothers daughter, from next door, to a
complete stranger from a village as much as five hours away, the quality of
the relationship and its effect on the social structure varies greatly. A natural
and spontaneous community of interest springs from a marriage alliance, and
the relationship is given, so to speak, impetus by joint participation in the
ceremonies connected with betrothal and marriage; but the resulting
relationship can only be described in terms of degrees of mutual affection and
trust. The two families may visit back and forth constantly, they may help
each other economically and act as go-betweens for each others marriage
affairs, or they may do so scarcely at all. The degree of intimacy depends not
only on personal likes and dislikes, but to a large extent on the physical
distance between the two households and their relative positions in the social
structure. The greatest difference is between households in the same village
and households in different villages. Even within the village, there are wide
differences. If a man marries from his own kabile, the new affinal ties simply
strengthen the existing blood ties, to which at least at the beginning of the
marriage they are subsidiary. He may equally marry from an unrelated
family, or one already linked by marriage with his own. His wife may belong
to a hostile kabile at the far end of the village, or she may be a close
neighbours daughter. In each case the quality of relationship between the
households and therefore between the various individuals composing the
households will be different.
Within the village, a child has free run of its mothers fathers home.
Grandparents, as in most societies, are usually greatly interested in and
indulgent towards their daughters children. An old man of Kz village boasted
that he daughters small son, who are also his brothers sons son, and lived
next door, preferred his mothers household to his own.
|The word for mothers brother, dayi, may be used with the same looseness|
and disregard for generation as emme. The terms for maternal cousins are
also analogous, dayim oglu and dayim kizi being the commonest, but a
word dayisa (Istanbul Turkish dayizade) also being in use. The most
conspicuous dayi in the village was Haci Ahmet (SA 2). Four wives had failed
to produce him any children of his own, and he adopted his orphaned sisters
son, bringing him up in his own household after he second marriage. He and
his wife were prostrate with grief when this young man died suddenly of heart
disease last May (1950). He left in the house, besides two daughters, a two
year old son, whom the old man will probably seek to bring up once again as
his own son. Haci Ahmet, as can be seen from the genealogical table on page
167, has still five other sisters sons in Sakaltutan, two of them (0) half
brothers of the dead Ali and the three brothers BA 1, 2 and 3. The children
of the sister of these last three, who is married to Osman (AG 1), also call him
their dayi, and frequent his oda. During the proceedings for getting
Mehmet (BA 2) a new wife, Haci Ahmet was consulted at every step, and
when at last the search was successful, the money, which I had provided, was
handed over to him to take to the girls village for payment. Recently, he
went to Izmir to fetch home Mustafa (0), who had been away from the village
for about four years, and was not expected by his neighbours to return. He is
a gentle old man, respected in the village, but he is criticised for leaving his
nephews Mehmet and Huseyn (BA 2 & 3) in poverty, in spite of their claim
through their mother to a share of his property.
Bilal (VT 1) had one married sister in the village. He took a leading part in
arranging the marriage of the orphan son of her first marriage, together with
the young mans fathers brothers (KU 1, 2 & 3). Bilals sisters second
marriage to a patrilateral kinsman (VA 5) produced a new family, the eldest
of which is a lad of about fifteen years. Bilal built himself a small oda last
June, and whitewashed the walls on the inside. This nephew of his, without his
consent, executed some murals on the inviting white surface, in a cheap blue
wash often used in the village for the purpose, not of religious subjects, but of
aircraft and motor cars. Bilal was angry saying it was vulgar, but he took no
steps to punish the boy. Neither an unrelated boy, nor a son, nor a paternal
nephew would have dared to do such a thing, nor got away with it if he had.
One last instance - a married girl from Ck village died in Sakaltutan on her
way to hospital in Kayseri. The first of her kinsmen to reach Sakaltutan was
her father, in whose house she had been lying sick, but not long after her dayi
arrived, and the two old men wept and embraced each other, sharing a
common grief. Throughout the funeral ceremonies the dayi was second in
importance only to the father.
|In spite of these examples, on the whole I was surprised how little interest|
many men seemed to take in their sisters children. A dayi, except in
exceptional circumstances such as adoption, in no way resembles a father, as
he is said to do in some societies. Apart from the special obligations of kabile
membership in the case of an emme, personal relations with the two kinds of
uncles do not seem to differ markedly from each other, at least in the cases I
was able to observe. Perhaps it is significant in this respect that in addressing
elderly strangers, emme and dayi are interchangeable. I have heard them both
used by the same person to a deaf old man in subsequent sentences.
What a widow with children remarries, her two sets of children are half
siblings, but not necessarily of the same kabile, or household. Divorce rarely
leads to this situation, because a man seldom divorces a woman who has borne
him children. These half siblings call each other brother and sister without
qualification, a practice which I found confusing at the beginning of my work.
In reply to questions, they would explain in full our fathers are different,
or, on our mothers side only. the weight of the word kardes is strong,
and predisposes its users to personal intimacy. But clearly, since the
relationship depends on a marriage, the same wide variations as in other
matrilateral relationships are to be expected. The physical and structural
distance between the households of the two fathers will largely determine the
degree of intimacy between the half brothers and sisters. Where a widow
marries her dead husbands brother, the children will be almost equivalent to
full siblings; where a widow, as often happens, marries into another village,
the connection may be tenuous, more so than the normal affinal or
matrilateral kinship. In such cases as I heard of, a maternal half brother
brought up in his step fathers house would as soon as possible marry and set
up house on his own, but he might retain personal intimacy with his mothers
household. Thus Ali Osman (BK 1) and Nail (KA 4), whose common mother
lived with Ali Osman, were often together, and were proud of their
brotherhood. The warmth of their tie is probably the greater because their
mother is still alive.
Affinal kinsfolk are distinguished by a number of terms, on which, for the
sake of completeness and reference, I will comment here.
gelin (literally the one who comes). Strictly, this is a married womans
relation to her mother and father-in-law. Although it is also the word for
bride and conjures up a picture of a newly wed, it is used by old people to
their sons wives, even when these themselves have become grandmothers. In
practice, not only the parents of the husband but all the household speak of the
girl as our gelin. Since all women equal to or junior to the speaker are
|addressed simply as kiz - girl - regardless of age, gelin is not used as a term|
guvah (Istanbul Turkish guvey) or damat, correspondingly mean both
bridegroom and son-in-law, but are used only in correct contexts.
Kayin, means spouses brother, and in general any male kinsman. It has
several more precise derivatives, kayinbirader, spouses brother, kayina
ta, spouses father. Kayinanne is the word for mother-in-law. The term
kayin may be used to refer widely to the kinsfolk of a mans wife, even in an
appropriate context to her whole village, but the other terms are not normally
used in extended meanings. A visitor once told me that Haci Ahmet (SA 2)
was his kayinat a, although he was, in fact, his wifes mothers brother, but in
this case Haci Ahmet was her most important surviving kinsman in Sakaltutan.
gorumce (literally from the root of seeing, and originally connected with
the mans first view of his brides face), husbands sister.
baldiz (perhaps a term of endearment related to bal honey), wifes sister.
It is interesting to notice that the set of terms based on kayin does not include
the terms spouses sisters.
All these terms were in constant use in the villages in which I worked.
yenge, in Istanbul Turkish, brothers wife. This term was understood in the
villages, but usually a brothers wife would be our gelin, or else the full
descriptive phrase would be used. I did, however, hear it used in the sense
which it also bears in Istanbul Turkish, of wife of my uncle, either emme or
eniste, sisters husband, was in constant use, not only in its precise use, but
for the husband of any woman with whom in a given context a person might
identify him or herself. Thus, during the winter, a man of a village about
three hours to the south east opened a shop in Sakaltutan, living with his wifes
brothers (BA). One small boy, a neighbour, but not a member of the BA
kabile, speaking of him, said to me, Sefali is our eniste.
bacanak, wifes sisters husband, is in common use both in address and
elti, husbands brothers wife, is used for reference only, kiz, or the name,
being used for address.
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