|prestige, controllers and members of organisations often put their private interests ahead of those of the organisation (Stirling, 1968). In all countries, 'better' organisation is an issue. In Turkey, from the organisation of the governmcnt itself down to the village midwife sunning herself in the garden of her government house, there is a vast amount to be learned - and applied - about effectiveness, commitment and supervision.8|
|The villagers of course always knew effectively about their own|
|By contrast, villagers who become cntrepreneurs fiPd themselves|
12 CUL7 URE AND ECONOMY
manage the internal and extemal rclations of new organisations unlike villages and farming households.
|A great many Turks, and not only villagers, seem to assume that|
(vi) Cognitive Change. Nothing struck me more forcibly when I retumed to the two villages in 1971 than what I then called the information explosion (Stirling, 1974). In order to earn, a farmer goes to town and leams a new skill; he may even go to a new country. Even to go to town, he needs information. When he gets there he needs to know how to
but who gives jobs, how they can be persuaded to choose him; and so on. Those who enter new skilled occupations - the building trade, contracting, shopkeeping, manufacturing cement sewer pipes - need to know a lot more. Young mcn in the village leam to repair tractors, operate videos, mend refrigerators, wire houses. All who do not go and talk to those who do. Everyone watches television and listens to the radio. I was constantly asked about Thatcher and Liverpool(futbol). The State, through schools, colleges and universities, and through the Office of Religious Affairs is pumping out vast quantities of new knowledge and ideology. In short, the increase since 1950 in 'knowledge' in Turkey, in the sense of all the bits of information and disinformation, facts, ideas, theories, dogmas, stories, cannot be measured; but it is certainly hugc, vast; and underestimated, under-researched and under-discussed.
|Of course, everyone knows about the necd for formal|
|knowledge, for science and technology. What is not discussed is
what I call social cognition (Fischer,1991). Humans scldom stop
talking. Out of
CROWTH AND Cl/ANCES 13
14 CUL7 lJRE AND ECONOMY
a new social and polilical programme to cope with the new situations and new threats.
(vii) Causal Complexity
|Each of these five headings is shorthand for a whole set of|
Values Again All these changes cause new, sometimes intense suffering, and a host of perceived injustices and grievances. So did similar changes in Europe and the USA; and have already (with worse to come?) in fommer socialist countries now attempting a market economy and democratie polities. For Turkey, the suffering apart, there are those who lament the Mereedes eulture of the idle rieh, the nationalisation of loeal 'folk' musie, the transformation of the five days of village weddings into an evening in a hired hall with the bride in a white European dress, the arrival of western symphony orehestras, andnouvelle vogue films in Turkish elite 'eulture'. Not to mention diseussions of the 'peripheralisation' of the Turkish eeonomy; its subordination to westem based multinationals, intemational banks, and the interests of the G7; the 'forced' rural urban migration, consumerism, sharp and growing inequalities, and secularism, agnosticism and anti-secularism. Not surprising that some of Delaney's village infommants share her suspicions of modernism and progress (Chapter 10).
|But I do not want to reverse it all. I would not want my best|
CROWIHAND CHANGES 15
The extolletPs and the denouncers of modetvnisat:ion, or capitalism, are both highly selective. How can anyone make an overall moral judgement on all these processes of change? They have happened: the results are there.
|As an anthropologist, l am patt of a collective effott to understand them. l|
successful policies at all levels. But I also hold that understanding achieving 'truS', that is, less misleading models of social processes is a separate and morally neutral task.
|1. I first realised the starlling speed of growth in the first two decades from|
|tables 3.2 (p.46) and 4.5 and 4.6 (pp.76-7), in Hale 1981, based on Bulutay et al. 1974. See also tables 5.10 (pp. 108) and 7.2, 7.3 (pp.1323), based on DSI 1973, and more recent official sources. See, e.g., Turkey Economy, Aug. 1992, p.47.|
|are to be Turks; to the surprise of visiting foreign children - recent personal communication from foreign children.|
|they are being asked to put the crumbs back', David Bryer, Oxfam director,Observer 11 Octobor 1992.|
|following up the households of married daughters, and daughters' daughlers, as well as thosc of married sons and sons' sons, were largely pragmatic; but also relatcd to the perceptions and knowledge of my largely male informants. The decision was taken in 1950, and irreversible.|
|evidonce that unemployment is now serious and growing rests on widesprcad personal impressions. Certainly in 1986, the greater part of the village and migrant houscholds which I knew had at last an adequatc income, and many were comfortable. I knew of very few adult men who could be callcd 'unemployed', on a long term basis. The majority worked intcrmittcntly; andX cxccpt at harvcst, most men present in thc village at any onc timc had littlc to do. By contrast, David Shankland commcnting on this notc, rcponed pcrsonally a large amount of unemploymcnt in thc Alevi villagc which hc studied, and among its migrants (Chaptcr 4).|
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ . _ _ , _ _ _ _
|Notice that Turkish has no word for 'peasant'; koylu - villager - is not 'peasant,' though most peasants are koylu, and most koylu peasants. cf. Keyder (Chapter 12).|
|The idea of two separate urban economies is nonsense, at least in Turkey. Attempts to make this point in Turkey. even privately. normally arouse combative resentrnont. One 'objective', if foolish, public attempt cost me, in my view of reality, a year of research time. People see organisation, not as something which needs slow cultural learning, but as a natural national virtue. Even to raise it for discussion is insulting. But human societies do vary sharply in the style and effeetiveness of their organisational culture. In 1923, notwithstanding the renowned Ottoman efficiency in earlier times, the Republic of Turkey began to imodernise' with 80% peasants and 90% illiteracy; it did not have an easy road to modern erScicncy|
|It is difficult not to slip into writing about villagers as inferior. even as toolish, because they lack specitic kinds of experience and information. Emphatically, they are not. But I fear thore may be examples in my own writings; and certainly elsewhere in this book.|
|Have I got it wrong? If not, how does this affect public and private sector efficiency?|
|In a paper about our research delivered to the M.E.S.A. Conference, October,1992, Incirlioglu gives specific examples of the way reality is|